12 - 18 November 1917
- By Mark Sutcliffe
- •
- 27 Nov, 2017
- •
12 November
The Bolsheviki are forming councils, committees, sub-committees, courts,
leagues, parties, societies; they are talented talkers and gifted orators. The
masses of the people flock to their call. Already they have established the
nucleus of the Proletarian Republic and drawn up their political programme;
and, what is more surprising, they have successfully organised the Red
Army — in great part drawn from the disloyal soldiers of the Imperial Army. One
and all wage war against the ‘intelligentsia’ and the ‘bourgeoisie’ — nicknames
given to the educated people and to the middle-class or ‘idle rich’. There is
no doubt that Lenin and Trotsky are intent on exterminating the Russian
intellectual classes.
(Florence Farmborough, Nurse at the Russian Front: A Diary 1914–18, London
1974)
Diary entry of Louis de Robien,
attaché at the French Embassy
Alexandre Benois, who is president of the Fine Arts Commission, told me that
the damage done to the Winter Palace is not as bad as people thought. It is
confined to the theft of a few objects in the rooms of Alexander II and
Nicholas I.
(Louis de Robien, The Diary of a Diplomat in Russia 1917–1918, London 1969)
13 November
Report in The Times headed ‘Bolshevism repudiated at Washington’
M. Bakhmetieff, the Russian Ambassador, has officially repudiated the
Bolshevist regime in Petrograd. He has addressed to Mr. Lansing a long letter
which explains that he will continue to carry out the duties entrusted to him
at the Embassy regardless of the Bolshevists or any other temporary rule of
violence in Russia … M. Bakhmetieff declares in his letter his confidence
that the sound, constructive element in Russia will soon arise and sweep aside
the Bolshevists or any others who, in opposition to the true spirit of the
nation, seek to betray the Allies and withdraw from the war.
(From our correspondent, New York, The Times)
In a highly sensational speech,
delivered before the Central Executive Committee of the Soviets, Trotsky
expressed the hope that General Dukhonin would act in conformity with the
policy of the Government … The peace ‘decree’, Trotsky continued, marked
the beginning of a new era in history. It came as a surprise to the
routine-loving governing classes of Europe, who first regarded it as a mere
party manifesto, not as an act of the Russian Government … The greatest
hostility was exhibited on the part of England, ‘who plays a leading part at
the present juncture and who has suffered least from the war, while she stands
to gain most. France, who had suffered most, responded to the Russian
revolution with the bourgeoisie Ministry of M. Clemenceau, which was the last
effort of French Imperialism. Italy, disillusioned by her losses, welcomed it
with enthusiasm. America had joined in the war, not for the sake of ideals, as
President Wilson declared, but with a view to financial and industrial
advantages.
(Report in The Times)
14 November
Sir George Buchanan, British Ambassador to Russia
In my opinion, the only safe course left to us is to give Russia back her
word and to tell her people that, realizing how worn out they are by the war
and the disorganization inseparable from a great revolution, we leave it to
them to decide whether they will purchase peace on Germany’s terms or fight on
with the Allies … It has always been my one aim and object to keep Russia
in the war, but one cannot force an exhausted nation to fight against its will.
(Sir George Buchanan, My Mission to Russia, London 1923)
Report in The Times headed ‘Escape of
Ex-Tsar’s Daughter’
American audiences are shortly to have the privilege of listening to appeals
on behalf of the Russian people from a young woman who will be presented to
them under the simple name of Miss Tatiana Nicolaievna Romanoff. She is
understood to be the 20-year-old daughter of the deposed Tsar. On the authority
of M. Ivan Narodny, of the News Bureau of the Russian Post Office in New York,
the American newspapers today publish romantic accounts of the escape of the
former Grand Duchess from Tobolsk. Miss Romanoff, according to these accounts,
underwent a fictitious ceremony of marriage with a son of her father’s former
Court Chamberlain, Count Fredericks, and thereby gained a certain measure of
freedom from observation, which she utilized in order to make her escape to
Kharbin for Sand Francisco. M. Narodny, who prefaces his narrative with the
observation ‘these are strange times in Russia,’ says that the Tsar’s daughter
when she arrives here will work for the Russian Civilian Relief Society. She
will write short fairy stories, give dance performances, and desires to lecture
to American women on conditions in Russia.
(From our correspondent, New York, The Times)
15 November
Diary entry of Alexander Benois, artist and critic
In my heart of hearts I am convinced that in his soul and in his being the
Russian is freer than anyone. Even under the tsarist regime there was nowhere
in the world with such freedom (even to the level of libertinism) of way of
life, conversation, thought, as in Russia. Even our proverbial ‘right to
disgrace’ is only an expression of the freedom that is within and inherent to
everyone, based on racial characteristics but nurtured in the Christian idea of
‘the kingdom of God being within us’.
(Alexander Benois, Diary 1916–1918, Moscow 2006)
16 November
Pauline Crosby, wife of American naval attaché, in a letter home
In general the news is: Petrograd is still here; a part of Moscow is no
longer there; many handsome estates are no longer anywhere; the Bolsheviki are
everywhere.
(Helen Rappaport, Caught in the Revolution: Petrograd 1917, London 2017)
From somewhere torches appeared,
blazing orange in the night, a thousand times reflected in the facets of the
ice, streaming smokily over the throng as it moved down the bank of the
Fontanka singing, between crowds that stood in astonished silence. ‘Long live
the Revolutionary Army! Long live the Red Guard! Long live the Peasants!’ So
the great procession wound through the city, growing and unfurling ever new red
banners lettered in gold. Two old peasants, bowed with toil, were walking hand
in hand, their faces illumined with child-like bliss. ‘Well,’ said one, ‘I’d
like to see them take away our land again, now!’
(John Reed, Ten Days that Shook the World, New York 1919)
17 November
Diary entry of Louis de Robien, attaché at the French Embassy
Things are happening fast, and yesterday Trotsky was able to make a
triumphant announcement to the Assembly of Soviets (which has been joined by
the Council of Peasants, which up to now had remained with the opposition and
had rejected all contact with the Bolsheviks). The announcement is to the
effect that armistice negotiations have begun.
(Louis de Robien, The Diary of a Diplomat in Russia 1917–1918, London 1969)
18 November
Diary entry of Louis de Robien, attaché at the French Embassy
The Allies here continue to give an impression of complete confusion …
Meanwhile Trotsky keeps the score and no longer misses a single false move on
the part of his adversaries. He has become very self-assured and has not
hesitated to send a very firm note to Sir George [Buchanan] asking for two
Russian anarchists who are being held in England to be released
immediately … People say that the Commissars even contemplated shutting up
Sir George himself as a hostage in Peter-and-Paul.
(Louis de Robien, The Diary of a Diplomat in Russia 1917–1918, London 1969)
18 November 2017
The report by the New York correspondent of The Times of the
escape of Tatiana, the second of Nicholas II’s daughters, must have been one of
the first accounts of the Romanov children avoiding their terrible fate at the
hands of the Bolsheviks; a fate that was proved decisively through DNA tests
only in the 1990s. Such romantic stories — or as we now call them, ‘fake
news’ — subsequently became legion, focusing on the youngest daughter Anastasia
and only son Alexei in particular. This report is interesting precisely because
it is so early, when the family was still alive and reasonably well in Tobolsk
and yet to be moved to Ekaterinburg, where they were all murdered in July 1918.
It’s also, frankly, bizarre, with mention of the Grand Duchess preparing to
give dance performances to the American public. It makes one wonder what would
have become of the former imperial family had they been offered asylum by
George V or indeed been spirited away from the Crimean coast like many of their
circle. In exile the children would no doubt have married, had children of
their own — their grandchildren would be easily alive today, perhaps even back
in favour with the current regime. Stranger things have happened (are
happening).
as per the Gregorian calendar. 5 November 2017
8 October
Letter from Lenin to the Bolshevik Comrades attending the Regional Congress of
the Soviets of the Northern Region
Comrades, Our revolution is passing through a highly critical period …
A gigantic task is being imposed upon the responsible leaders of our Party,
failure to perform which will involve the danger of a total collapse of the
internationalist proletarian movement. The situation is such that verily,
procrastination is like unto death … In the vicinity of Petrograd and in
Petrograd itself — that is where the insurrection can, and must, be decided on
and effected … The fleet, Kronstadt, Viborg, Reval, can and must advance
on Petrograd; they must smash the Kornilov regiments, rouse both the capitals,
start a mass agitation for a government which will immediately give the land to
the peasants and immediately make proposals for peace, and must overthrow
Kerensky’s government and establish such a government. Verily, procrastination
is like unto death.
(V.I. Lenin and Joseph Stalin, The Russian Revolution: Writings and Speeches
from the February Revolution to the October Revolution, 1917, London 1938)
9 October
Report in The Times
The Maximalist [Bolshevik], M. Trotsky, President of the Petrograd Soviet,
made a violent attack on the Government, describing it as irresponsible and
assailing its bourgeois elements, ‘who,’ he continued, ‘by their attitude are
causing insurrection among the peasants, increasing disorganisation and trying
to render the Constituent Assembly abortive.’ ‘The Maximalists,’ he declared,
‘cannot work with the Government or with the Preliminary Parliament, which I am
leaving in order to say to the workmen, soldiers, and peasants that Petrograd,
the Revolution, and the people are in danger.’ The Maximalists then left the
Chamber, shouting, ‘Long live a democratic and honourable peace! Long live the
Constituent Assembly!’
(‘Opening of Preliminary Parliament’, The Times)
10 October
As Sukhanov left his home for the Soviet on the morning of the 10th, his
wife Galina Flakserman eyed nasty skies and made him promise not to try to
return that night, but to stay at his office … Unlike her diarist husband,
who was previously an independent and had recently joined the Menshevik left,
Galina Flakserman was a long-time Bolshevik activist, on the staff of Izvestia.
Unbeknownst to him, she had quietly informed her comrades that comings and
goings at her roomy, many-entranced apartment would be unlikely to draw
attention. Thus, with her husband out of the way, the Bolshevik CC came
visiting. At least twelve of the twenty-one-committee were there … There
entered a clean-shaven, bespectacled, grey-haired man, ‘every bit like a
Lutheran minister’, Alexandra Kollontai remembered. The CC stared at the
newcomer. Absent-mindedly, he doffed his wig like a hat, to reveal a familiar
bald pate. Lenin had arrived.
(China Miéville, October: The Story of the Russian Revolution, London 2017)
Memoir by the Menshevik Nikolai
Sukhanov
Oh, the novel jokes of the merry muse of History! This supreme and decisive
session took place in my own home … without my knowledge … For such a
cardinal session not only did people come from Moscow, but the Lord of Hosts
himself, with his henchman, crept out of the underground. Lenin appeared in a
wig, but without his beard. Zinoviev appeared with a beard, but without his
shock of hair. The meeting went on for about ten hours, until about 3 o’clock
in the morning … However, I don’t actually know much about the exact
course of this meeting, or even about its outcome. It’s clear that the question
of an uprising was put … It was decided to begin the uprising as quickly
as possible, depending on circumstances but not on the Congress.
(N.N. Sukhanov, The Russian Revolution 1917: a Personal Record, Oxford 1955)
11 October
British Consul Arthur Woodhouse in a letter home
Things are coming to a pretty pass here. I confess I should like to be out
of it, but this is not the time to show the white feather. I could not ask for
leave now, no matter how imminent the danger. There are over 1,000 Britishers
here still, and I and my staff may be of use and assistance to them in an
emergency.
(Helen Rappaport, Caught in the Revolution: Petrograd 1917, London 2017)
Memoir of Fedor Raskolnikov, naval
cadet at Kronstadt
The proximity of a proletarian rising in Russia, as prologue to the world
socialist revolution, became the subject of all our discussions in
prison … Even behind bars, in a stuffy, stagnant cell, we felt instinctively
that the superficial calm that outwardly seemed to prevail presaged an
approaching storm … At last, on October 11, my turn [for release]
came … Stepping out of the prison on to the Vyborg-Side embankment and
breathing in deeply the cool evening breeze that blew from the river, I felt
that joyous sense of freedom which is known only to those who have learnt to
value it while behind bards. I took a tram at the Finland Station and quickly
reached Smolny … In the mood of the delegates to the Congress of Soviets
of the Northern Region which was taking place at that time .. an unusual
elation, an extreme animation was noticeable … They told me straightaway
that the CC had decided on armed insurrection. But there was a group of
comrades, headed by Zinoviev and Kamenev, who did not agree with this decision
and regarded a rising a premature and doomed to defeat.
(F.F. Raskolnikov, Kronstadt and Petrograd in 1917, New York 1982, first
published 1925)
12 October
Sir George Buchanan, British Ambassador to Russia
On [Kerensky] expressing the fear that there was a strong anti-Russian
feeling both in England and France, I said that though the British public was
ready to make allowances for her difficulties, it was but natural that they
should, after the fall of Riga, have abandoned all hope of her continuing to
take an active part in the war … Bolshevism was at the root of all the
evils from which Russia was suffering, and if he would but eradicate it he
would go down to history, not only as the leading figure of the revolution, but
as the saviour of his country. Kerensky admitted the truth of what I had said,
but contended that he could not do this unless the Bolsheviks themselves
provoked the intervention of the Government by an armed uprising.
(Sir George Buchanan, My Mission to Russia, London 1923)
13 October
Diary entry of Louis de Robien, attaché at the French Embassy
Kerensky is becoming more and more unpopular, in spite of certain grotesque
demonstrations such as this one: the inhabitants of a district in Central
Russia have asked him to take over the supreme religious power, and want to
make him into a kind of Pope as well as a dictator, whereas even the Tsar was
really neither one nor the other. Nobody takes him seriously, except in the
Embassy. A rather amusing sonnet about him has appeared, dedicated to the beds
in the Winter Palace, and complaining that they are reserved for hysteria
cases … for Alexander Feodorovich (Kerensky’s first names) and then
Alexandra Feodorovna (the Empress).
(Louis de Robien, The Diary of a Diplomat in Russia 1917–1918, London 1969)
14 October 2017
The BBC2 semi-dramatisation of how the Bolsheviks took power, shown this week,
was a curious thing. Talking heads in the form of Figes, Mieville, Rappaport,
Sebag-Montefiore, Tariq Ali, Martin Amis and others were interspersed with
moody reconstructions of late-night meetings, and dramatic moments such as
Lenin’s unbearded return to the Bolshevik CC (cf Sukhanov above). The programme
felt rather staged and unconvincing, with a lot of agonised expressions and
fist-clenching by Lenin, but the reviewers liked it. Odd, though, that
Eisenstein’s storming of the Winter Palace is rolled out every time, with a
brief disclaimer that it’s a work of fiction and yet somehow presented as
historical footage. There’s a sense of directorial sleight of hand, as if the
rather prosaic taking of the palace desperately needs a re-write. In some
supra-historical way, Eisenstein’s version has become the accepted version.
John Reed’s Ten Days that Shook the World
, currently being
serialised on Radio 4, is also presented with tremendous vigour, and properly
so as the book is nothing if not dramatic. Historical truth, though, is often
as elusive in a book that was originally published — in 1919 — with an
introduction by Lenin. ‘Reed was not’, writes one reviewer, ‘an ideal observer.
He knew little Russian, his grasp of events was sometimes shaky, and his facts
were often suspect.’ Still, that puts him in good company, and Reed is
undoubtedly a good read.
